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SPEECH OF THE GS OF THE CC OF THE KKE IN ROME ON THE 98TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION AT AN EVENT OF THE CP OF ITALY (7 NOVEMBER 2015)

At the invitation of the Communist Party (Italy), the General Secretary of the CC of the KKE, Dimitris Koutsoumpas, visited Rome, Italy on Saturday 7th of November, the 98th anniversary of the October Revolution. The theme of the event was: “Socialism is the only solution. Greece, a lesson for the peoples of Europe.”

 

The speech of D. Koutsoumpas was as follows:

 

We feel particular joy to be here today with you in Rome, at this beautiful event of the CP, Italy. We are connected by strong bonds of friendship and cooperation. We appreciate the heroic efforts of our comrades, the Italian communists, to reconstruct the CP, to make it a strong force in Italy, rooted in the working class of the country, in the workplaces, amongst the productive ages, amongst the youth.

 

Despite the fact that we operate in different conditions, in the end the peoples of Greece and Italy have many problems in common. In the context of Europe, our parties develop close cooperation in the “Initiative of Communist and Workers’ parties of Europe”, with joint European meetings, analyses and activities against the imperialist EU, the exploitation of the people, the interventions and wars, the anti-people policies of our governments, the power of monopoly capital.

 

Comrades,

 

We are especially moved to speak today at this event, on the anniversary day of the Great October Revolution that took place on the 7th of November 1917.

 

We honour the 98th anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917 in Russia that left its mark on and determined the course of millions of people and not just inside the territory of the first workers’ state in the history of humanity, but in every corner of the planet for over 70 years.

 

October demonstrated the ability and potential of the working class to fulfill its historic mission as the only truly revolutionary class, to lead the construction of socialism-communism.

 

October at the same time demonstrates the irreplaceable role of the leading agent of the socialist revolution, the communist party.

 

The Great October Revolution demonstrated the enormous strength of proletarian internationalism. Despite what has come to pass since the counterrevolutions of 1989-1991, the 98th anniversary of the October Revolution, with all the theoretical and practical experience and maturity we have acquired in these years, makes us even more certain and categorical about the necessity and timeliness of socialism.

 

The counterrevolutions do not change the character of the era. The 21st century will be the century of the new upsurge of the international revolutionary movement and a new manifestation of social revolutions.

 

The everyday struggles for partial and more general victories are undeniably necessary, but can not provide substantial, long term and permanent solutions. Socialism remains the only solution.

 

The necessity of socialism emerges from the sharpening of the contradictions of the contemporary capitalist world, of the imperialist system. The material preconditions that exist in capitalism are ripe for socialism. Capitalism has socialized labour and production to an unprecedented level. The working class, the main productive force, is the majority of the economically active population. However the means of production, the products of social organized labour are private capitalist property.  This is such a contradiction that it leads to all the crisis phenomena of contemporary capitalist societies, such as the economic crises, the destruction of the environment, the drug problems, the long working day despite the increase of labour productivity, which of course coexists with unemployment, under-employment and semi-employment, the intensification of the exploitation of labour power and many other things.

 

At the same time however, these same features signal the necessity of abolishing private ownership of the concentrated means of production, their socialization and their planned utilization in social production, the planning of the economy by workers’ power so that the relations of production are harmonized with the level of the development of the productive forces.

 

Dear comrades,

 

It is well-known to all of you that the economy of capitalist Greece is now in its 7th year of crisis, which has led to a major reduction of the workers’-people’s income, with cuts in salaries and pensions, the shrinking of the earnings of self-employed farmers, tradesmen, craftsmen, a staggering increase of unemployment to 27%, the indebtedness of popular households, high taxation etc. This crisis manifested itself in a synchronized way internationally. It began in the USA and later enveloped the EU, Japan, Russia and other countries.

 

In the framework of the economic crisis, the restructuring of the bourgeois political system has been gradually underway since 2012 and is still continuing. The basic features of this restructuring were: The regroupment of social-democracy, after the collapse of PASOK, with SYRIZA as its main vehicle which has taken its place as a pillar of the bourgeois system in Greece (the other being ND). In addition, another new feature was the parliamentary presence given to the Nazi fascist current, in the form of the criminal organization of “Golden Dawn”.

 

SYRIZA, especially after its emergence as a party of government in January with the support of the right wing nationalist ANEL party contributed to the political assimilation of a large section of the Greek people, into the anti-people plans utilizing the hope and tolerance created around the “first time left government”.  Its re-election by the Greek people in the September elections, one and a half months ago, despite the reduction in votes, due to the departure of a section of its officials and members, demonstrates that this effort to manipulate and co-opt the people is continuing, despite the passing of the 3rd Memorandum in Parliament.

 

It is true that you can not talk about the developments in Greece without focusing on the refugee issue that is literally a matter of life and death. Our people for many months have been demonstrating great solidarity with the refugees who are seeking a lifeline. However we also think it is important that we do not become accustomed and inured to the daily images of dead refugees, children drowned in the Aegean, who had been uprooted from their homes. We know that similar conditions exist in Italy as well.

 

This uprooting has a cause and name. It is capitalist barbarity that creates economic crises, poverty and unemployment, imperialist wars and interventions which our countries participate in, in the framework of the EU and NATO.

 

The KKE struggles against the causes that lead to refugees and immigration, against Nazism-fascism and its representatives today in Greece, who are seeking to use the major issue of immigration in order to sow nationalism, xenophobia and racism amongst our people. At the same time, we are demanding immediate measures so that these people who are being saved can live decently for as long as they stay in our country and so that they can be transported safely to their destination countries.

 

At the same time, the working class and our people face a new full-scale offensive of capital, an offensive that the SYRIZA-ANEL government came to complete, implementing the anti-people agreement-memorandum that it signed in the summer.

 

Every day, via the draft laws it is bringing to parliament, it is implementing unprecedented barbaric measures. These are measures that increase the taxation of farmers and the self-employed, while tax exemptions for capital are being made permanent.  They are targeting whatever has been left of the right to social-security, by increasing the retirement age. They are preparing an assault against the right to strike and other trade union rights, while they are carrying out privatizations. This assault is proof that the exploitation of labour power is a precondition of the recovery of capitalist profitability.

 

The SYRIZA-ANEL government plays a leading role and actively participates in the plans of NATO, the USA and the EU in the regions, providing entire regions of the country for the creation of new NATO bases and war infrastructure.

 

The alleged “left” government provided and is providing important services for the system. With a “left” mantle and claims that it is allegedly struggling inside the EU, in combination with blackmail and illusions, it is trying to persuade a large section of the people that today’s political line is inevitable and that only thing the people can do is to choose which government, which manager of the memorandum will implement the anti-people political line. It contributes to making leftwing and radical forces more conservative, forces that in previous years had fought against the anti-people measures.

 

It has been borne out for the umpteenth time something that the Italian workers know, that so-called left wing governments, so-called parties of left renewal, which have mutated former communists in their ranks can at a given moment do capital’s dirty work better and at the same time lead the people and movement to passivity and disillusionment.

 

What has also been confirmed in this way is the consistent stance of the KKE that all these years has strongly rejected participation in such governments to manage the capitalist system and the anti-people policies of the EU and NATO’s aggression.

 

Today, both in our country and also internationally, there is enormous experience regarding the limits of the various political alliances and governments, regardless of whether they are called ‘centre-left” or “centre-right”, “left” or “radical”. From the moment that these are built on the terrain of defending capitalist domination, managing the socio-economic problems that the system is continually causing the people and youth, they will be bound hand and foot-whatever good intentions they may have- to the needs of capital, the imperialist unions, the EU and NATO. The issue is the name of the government or its intentions. What is crucial is the operation of the laws of capitalist society, which are relentless and we can not ignore them, and of course we can not sow illusions amongst the workers about an allegedly “more humane” management of capitalism.

 

We will overturn these laws or they will continue to devour the dreams and lives of the workers and youth. There is no “Third Way”.

 

This is the essence of today’s event about the lessons, the message and experience of Greece and how the developments will utilized to benefit the working class and other popular strata.

 

This is precisely what we are doing in Greece. The forces of the KKE and KNE with our activity inside the workplaces, inside the labour-people’s movement are struggling to expose the plans of the government and the other bourgeois parties, the bourgeois staff that together are attacking the working class with the aim of making it cheaper and more subservient. We must reveal the character of the memoranda, that whatever small recovery of the capitalist economy and capitalist profitability occurs presupposes the abolition of all the people’s gains and will certainly not lead to a rise in living standards, to the relief of the popular families. Even more so when the situation can deteriorate, as the signs of the outbreak of a new international synchronized crisis are appearing and the imperialist contradictions are sharpening.

 

The KKE focuses on revealing to the people what is being planned at their expense, on impeding -as far as possible on the basis of the correlation of forces-the antiworker, antipeople measures, above all to strengthen the class struggle so that the need for total conflict is understood by more people.

 

We are initiating a discussion about what type of development he people need and how the workers-people’s needs will be satisfied. We promote the KKE’s proposal for power. This is the answer to the unified strategy of all the bourgeois parties, the capitalist employers, the EU personnel.

 

In Greece we have already seen mass demonstrations, mobilizations and strikes of workers, employees, seamen, students, school-students, farmers, pensioners, the self-employed and shopkeepers.  We are intensively preparing for the 24hr nationwide general strike on the 12th of November.

 

In this framework, the KKE focuses on the regroupment of the labour-people’s movement, the construction of the social alliance with a rise in class struggle, the expansion of the communist party’s bonds with new forces of working men and women, other employees, farmers and self-employed, mainly youth and women from the popular families, with the construction of robust party organizations in all the workplaces, in strategic sectors of the economy.

 

This is the only way to prepare and gather forces for a better tomorrow for everyone, for our children, for the socialist-communist perspective.

 

Dear comrades,

 

The fact that our era is characterized as the era of the transition from capitalism to socialism is not related to some fixed timeframes, but to the Marxist-Leninist analysis of the contemporary era, as the era of the passage to socialism. In any case, socialism as a social system can not emerge inside capitalism, in the same way the previous exploitative systems did . What emerges inside capitalism are only the material preconditions for its overthrow.

 

In Greece, like the rest of the world, is burdened by the consequences of the counterrevolution and the defeat of socialist construction in countries of Europe, Asia and also by the retreat underway in countries that today declare that they are still socialist.

 

Questions were posed during the election period in Greece, such as “why did the system you support not survive?”, “Where have your proposals been implemented? As everyone now swears by the market” etc. Of course, many well-intentioned people out of ignorance said these things, but also many of our opponents, including some leftwing ones, posed these questions in bad faith. It is not important why they ask these questions, we must answer clearly and honestly.

 

And we say that it is certain that the temporary victory of the counterrevolution does not negate the inevitability of socialism. It is an undeniable fact that no socio-economic system was established in just one attempt during the history of humanity.

 

Capitalism did not prevail over feudalism when it first emerged. The capitalist relations of production, as a historically new kind of exploitation of man by man, with the relation between wage labour and capital, first emerged in the latter half of the 14th century in northern Italy, where they were not able to survive. After several years they developed in England, the Netherlands and elsewhere, and we can finally talk about the capitalist era from the 16th century onwards. Here we must note the essential difference between capitalism and socialism-communism, as regards the way the new relations of production were established.

 

The capitalist relations of production were born in the bowels of feudalism and indeed were supported by the feudal absolutist states in a number of instances. This was possible because both modes of production are based on exploitation.

 

In contrasts, the socialist relations of production were not born inside the capitalist system, because the overthrow is related to the most developed form of private ownership of the means of production, the capitalist one. So, revolutionary workers’ power does not find the new means of production already established. Socialist relations of production are not organized spontaneously, as the market spontaneously regulates the capitalist relations.

 

Socialist power must overthrow, radically change, transform in a revolutionary way what it has inherited from capitalism. And from this standpoint it meets greater difficulties than previous socio-economic formations.

 

At the same time, we must not ignore the difficulties that are based on the fact that socialist construction in the previous century began in countries where the development of capitalism was historically backward, consequently it began at a lower level of the development of productive forces in comparison to the advanced capitalist countries.

 

Socialism began to be constructed after the enormous destruction of World War 1 and in the context of the disastrous conditions of the civil war. Later on it faced the catastrophes of the 2nd World War, a war that had not been waged on the territory of the USA, for example. On the contrary, the USA overcame the great crisis of the 1930s via the war.

 

The great economic and social development that was achieved in these conditions in the USSR and in the other countries of socialist construction demonstrates the superiority of the socialist relations of production. This was expressed by the significant and major achievements regarding the people’s living standards, working conditions, education, health, culture, that were provided by socialism in the 20th century.

 

Comrades,

 

The Great October Socialist Revolution, the first victorious battle for the emancipation of the working class in history, retains its undiminished impact today. Socialism was transformed from a prediction to a concrete reality. The victory of the revolution provided the possibility of codifying its lessons into a comprehensive theory for the socialist revolution and the party. Its lessons provided the ideological and political basis for the formation of the Communist International, for new impetus for the international communist movement.

 

The theoretical legacy of the October revolution, enriched by the experience of the people’s socialist revolutions that followed, is priceless.

 

It confirms in practice the correctness of the Marxist-Leninist theory of revolution, which flows from the multi-faceted systematic analysis of imperialism, that this potential for revolution matures over the course of the historical developments and manifests itself at a moment determined by a complex web of objective and objective causes.

 

The imperialists and all kinds of renegades distort or conceal the significance of the October revolution because they clearly understand that with its victory, the theory and ideas of Marxism acquired material strength, mobilized and mobilize millions of workers all over the world against the power of capital and the bourgeois class, won victories and organized their own state of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the highest form of people’s democracy humanity has ever known.

 

If the Communards of Paris in the 19th century took and held workers’ power for only a few months, the new assault on heaven endured for over 7 decades, built socialism, with a huge contribution to the whole world, beyond the borders of one country. The nihilistic stance towards the socialism we knew, the adoption of views that it was a complete failure- is an unscientific and anti-historical stance and leads to impasses.

 

No, comrades. Socialism was constructed. It developed. It began to solve major economic and social problems. However, it was not possible for a number of reasons to elevate and liberate, over the entire course of its construction, the inherent potential for continual development and refinement in order to consolidate itself in its struggle against the capitalist system. However, this in no way negates the contribution and role of the socialist system, as it was formed in the 20th century, irrespective of deficiencies, weaknesses and mistakes that emerged in this difficult course.

 

What was signaled by the October Revolution was the undeniable fact that socialism is the future of humanity. It is the system which in its historical social progress will create new social relations, socialist ones, focusing on the human being and fulfilling all his needs.

 

Dear comrades and friends,

 

Today, when imperialist barbarity is deepening in the economy, labour relations, social policy, everywhere, the achievements of socialism for the working people are even more revealing. Look at the example of social security which is a current issue and in the news in our country and in every European country.

 

Social security in the Soviet Union was supported on the principles formulated by Lenin and further developed afterwards. It included all the workers, employees, farmers. It was realized without subtracting contributions from the workers’ salaries. It was characterized by its variety and its systematic enhancement. In parallel with its function to cover the material needs of the workers, it sought to assist the workers’ health and increase the performance of social labour. Its management was very democratically organized and was the responsibility of the trade unions. Basic provisions and benefits included pensions, benefits, free entrance to sanatoriums, rest homes, youth camps, preventive care institutions, therapeutic diets, tourist centres, holiday homes, recuperation centres etc. Special protection measures existed for working women, mothers etc. A plethora of such examples could be referred to if we had time.

 

Dear comrades,

 

The overthrow of the socialist system in Europe is a temporary defeat of socialism, which had taken its first steps and opened up unprecedented vistas in an exceptionally unfavourable international environment. The class struggle has not ended. The prospect of a socialist revolution has not disappeared, as various ideological and political representatives of the bourgeoisie claim, the supporters of the theory of the “end of history”. The defeat is temporary. The 21st century will bring new revolutionary victories.

 

We consider a fundamental issue to recognize that socialist construction was under way in these countries, with its mistakes, weaknesses and deviations and was not some “new system of exploitation” or a form of “state capitalism”, as various opportunist currents in the labour movement claim. There was socialist ownership and cooperative ownership subordinated to it. There was central planning and workers’ power, which however gradually lost its revolutionary characteristics and was transformed into a force for counterrevolution.

 

The study of the developments up to this point leads to the conclusion that the opportunist corrosion of the party and the degeneration of the character of power in turn led to the corrosion of socialist social ownership and central planning and eventually to the counterrevolution. The gradual degeneration of the revolutionary workers’ character of power was not immediately visible, with the result  that the whole process gave the impression of the collapse of worker’s power and not the gradual transition of the state and party leadership from opportunism to counterrevolution.

 

Dear comrades,

 

Socialist society is a transitional society. It is imperfect, incomplete, immature communism. It is the first phase of the communist socio-economic formation that is moving to its higher phase. We do not agree with the view that certain Marxists advance i.e. that socialism is an “autonomous formation” or with the view of others that attribute long-term independent features to the transition from capitalism to socialism. Socialist society bears the heavy marks of the capitalist society from which it emerged, at every level, in every relationship and its manifestation: economic, intellectual, ethical.

 

Socialist construction is a struggle to change the relations of production, not only to reorganize economic relations but also ideological, cultural ones etc, that is to say all social relations.

 

In this sense, the social revolution extends over the entire duration of socialist construction and is not restricted to conquest of power or the formation of its initial economic basis. Class exploitation is eliminated in socialism, but not every social inequality and stratification, not every form of individual or group ownership, every form of penetration of capitalist relations like that of foreign capital. Of course, this is reflected in consciousness, views, lifestyles, which are of course influenced by mechanisms that are belong to imperialism.

 

Dear comrades,

 

The struggle to establish and develop the new society is guided by revolutionary workers’ power headed by the communist party, which utilizes the laws of motion of socialist society. This is the source of the enhanced role of the subjective factor in comparison to all the previous socio-economic formations. The scientific and class character of the CP’s political line is a necessary prerequisite for socialist construction. To the extent that these features are lost, then opportunism can flourish, which will over time be transformed into a counterrevolutionary force.

 

Over the course of socialism’s construction, social inequalities and differences must be resolved in a conscious and planned way to benefit socialist relations of production-distribution. Solutions must be elaborated for problems that appear for the first time in history and for which there are no ready formulas. This task of course presupposes the constant development of the theory of scientific socialism, above all by the communist party.

 

If the political line of socialist power does not resolve the emerging contradictions to the benefit of socialist construction, they can develop into antagonisms, as experience has demonstrated and can manifest themselves in the form of a crisis, while they can also constitute the terrain for the cultivation of passivity, discontent, protest, the development of anti-socialist elements, under the influence of imperialism that constantly provides them with full support.

 

Dear comrades,

 

A crucial question is whether features of a potential social retreat also coexist in socialist society. The answer provided by our party is yes, on the basis of the experience. Such features of retreat primarily exist in the economy, in the relations of production-distribution.

 

The struggle between the old and the new in the field of the economy takes on the form of the struggle for the complete dominance and development of social ownership in the means of production and the planning of production and distribution against every form of private ownership and spontaneity of market relations.

 

In socialism, the leading role must be played by the trend to strength social ownership and planning. Only in this way can socialist ownership develop on an upward course. If the trend for their weakening prevails, then socialist construction can be reversed and can regress to outdated historical forms. The struggle between these two trends is expressed in a number of difficulties both from a theoretical and practical standpoint.

 

For example, ideological struggle was waged during the entire period of socialist construction concerning the problem of commodity-money relations in socialism, i.e. if they exist, and what form and extent the law of value functions during socialist construction. In line with the theoretical answers adopted, practical solutions were provided: regarding the forms of social-ownership (e.g. as regards “independence of the enterprises”) and as regards the choices of central planning (e.g. the proportions between the various sectors of production, whether priority would be given to department 1, i.e. the means of production, or to department 2, i.e. consumer products), the role of central planning as a mechanism to manage the economy in general, the sectors, the enterprises etc as well as to manage issues related to the results of production (salaries, incentives, prices etc.)

 

Today we can see that instead of politics being harmonized with the relations of production towards a new level of the development of the productive forces with the raising of the social character of ownership, the refining of planning and workers’ control, it moved in the opposite direction. Ways and methods that belonged to the past were used as solutions to problems that emerged in the economy. Examples of this were the transfer of means of production of the socialist sector to cooperative ownership, business incentives, the autonomy of enterprises from central planning etc.

 

Instead of the reinforcement of the socialist trend, i.e. social ownership and central planning, workers’ participation in the organization of labour, workers’ control from the bottom up, after a point the reverse trend started to strengthen, with a corresponding impact on the level of consciousness.

 

Dear comrades and friends,

 

The 20th Congress of the CPSU was a turning point, without this meaning that the struggle was not conducted before and did not continue afterwards. From the outcome, we can see that the choices implemented then did not solve the problems. The greater involvement of market elements in direct social production of socialism weakened it.

 

It led to the reduction of the dynamism of socialist development, reinforced the short-term individual and group interests at the expense of the general interests of society as a whole. It over time created the social terrain for the emergence and victory of the counterrevolution, with Perestroika as its vehicle.

 

The developments confirmed that the dangers of deviations developing in socialist society do not disappear. Beyond the imperialist encirclement and its undeniable influence in creating dangers, the basis for opportunism remains as long as forms of private ownership remain, as long as commodity-money relations  and social differences remain over the entire course of socialist construction.

 

At a theoretical level, the following theories came to dominate: ”socialist commodity production”, “market socialism”, the theoretical acceptance of the law of value as a law of the communist mode of production, a law which also operates in the phase of socialist construction.

 

At the same time, subjectivism concerning the assessment of the course of socialist construction as being “advanced socialism” and the development of opportunism, was also expressed in the changes made to the Constitution in 1977, where the “People’s State” and the “People’s Party” were institutionalized. The theory of the “People’s State” impacted in further altering the characteristics of the state, downgrading the role of the working class. It altered the character of socialist democracy, while the definition of the CP as a “people’s party” led to the adulteration of its working class character. It gradually weakened and finally eliminated the control of the party by working class forces. The principle of the equality of communists was violated. Conditions were formed for the development of careerism amongst the cadres – in the 1980s, at a political level, a new opportunist choice was made by the 27th Congress (1986) and the passing of a law (1987) that legalized and institutionalized capitalist relations, on the pretext of accepting a variety of ownership relations. At the beginning of the 1990s, the old social-democratic approach about the “economy of the planned market” was rapidly abandoned in favour of “ the economy of the regulated market” and was later replaced by the “economy of the free market”.

 

It is worth recalling here a characteristic extract from an article of Ernesto Che Guevara: “ … centralized planning is the essence of socialist society, is the category by which it is defined and is the point at which human consciousness finally succeeds in taking control of the economy and directing it towards its goal of the complete liberation of human beings within communist society.”

 

Dear comrades and friends,

 

The imperialist encirclement of the socialist system had a forceful impact on the internal problems and contradictions. It led to decisions that made socialist construction more difficult. The arms race absorbed a large part of the Soviet Union’s resources.

 

The line of “peaceful coexistence” as elaborated mainly  by the 20th Congress of the CPSU allowed the cultivation of utopian views that it is possible for imperialism to give up on war and military methods.

 

The developments in the international communist movement, as regards its strategy, played a significant role in shaping the global correlation of forces.

 

The dissolution of the CI in 1943 signaled the absence of a centre for the elaboration of a revolutionary line towards the international imperialist system. Despite the fact that the 2nd World War formed conditions for the sharpening of class contradictions, the anti-fascist struggle only led to the overthrow of bourgeois power in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, with the decisive contribution of the Red Army. In the capitalist west, the CPs were not able to form a strategy of transforming the imperialist war or the national liberation struggle into a struggle for the conquest of workers’ power. After the end of the 2nd World War, the lack of an organizational connection amongst the CPs became apparent in terms of the formation of an independent strategy against the unified strategy of international imperialism. The International Conferences which took place later were not able to contribute to the ideological unity and to the elaboration of a revolutionary strategy.

 

The alliance policy of a number of CPs with social-democracy was integrated into the strategy of the progressive anti-monopoly government, a type of stage that was expressed by governments that managed capitalism, especially in Europe.

 

 

 

Dear comrades,

 

Our party learns form its weaknesses and mistakes from the past, such as a lack of theoretical and political readiness to judge the development of the counterrevolution in the USSR in a timely fashion.

 

We consider that it is the responsibility and right of each CP to study the theoretical issues of socialism, to assess the course of socialist construction, to draw conclusions from the front against opportunism at an international level, to prepare the party forces and more generally the class forces in order to explain the class struggle internationally, to explain the retreats in social progress in a scientific and class-based way. With this internationalist and communist spirit, we are trying to follow the developments today in countries like China, Vietnam, Cuba and other countries.

 

The scientific explanation and defense of socialism’s contribution in the 20th century is a feature that strengthens the revolutionary strategy of the communist movement.

 

The study of the contradictions and the discrepancies, the subjective factors of historical motion as a whole is a process that will develop the theory of socialism-communism, which will lead to the ideological and political revival and supremacy of the communist movement for a new offensive and the final victory. Amongst our main tasks today, it is necessary to restore the truth about socialism of the 20th century in the eyes of the workers, without idealizations, objectively and unburdened by the slanders of the bourgeois class, slanders which also rely on the disastrous situation brought about by the counterrevolution.

 

Capitalism might still be strong today, but it is not all-powerful. The peoples are strong when they fight with the correct strategy. We look to the 21st century with optimism.

 

The 20th century began with the greatest offensive of the proletarians of all time and ended with their temporary defeat. The 21st century will bring new offensives and revolutionary victories, the final and irreversible overthrow of capitalism and the construction of socialism-communism.

 

 

The spectres of socialism, communism, of the leaders of the Communist International and the authors of the Communist manifesto, Marx and Engels, the leader of the October Revolution and the theoretician of Marxism in the imperialist stage, Lenin, the leader of socialist construction and the anti-fascist victory of the peoples, Stalin and many other leaders of the international communist movement today haunt the bloody dreams of the bourgeois, the length and breadth of the world.

 

Let us become their permanent nightmare.

 

Dear comrades,

 

Today there can be a more substantial, systematic and deeper ideological work in order to raise the Marxist education of the workers, employees, school students, students to higher levels, something which together with the everyday experience of the class struggle will decisively strengthen the party and its youth organization.

 

And precisely because we want to change everything, to overthrow capitalism and build the new world, socialism, we are more effective in our struggle today for the rights and gains of the workers in our countries.

 

 

 

11.11.2015